US-China Watch
With the world in flux as never before, macroeconomic insight and analysis is always at risk of chasing a moving target. That is especially the case when it comes to the US-China conflict, driven by the oft unpredictable crosscurrents between the world’s two largest economies and their ambitious geostrategic aspirations. Through the combination of blogging and tracking the rapidly shifting news flow, the weekly updates below will attempt to keep you abreast of the latest developments on the US-China watch.
China’s Deepening Japan Problem
How many ways can you slice a pizza? That is the way I now feel about China’s rebalancing imperative. So many different metrics are now flashing the same conclusion — shares of GDP, the current account balance, aggregate domestic saving, youth unemployment, flirtations with deflation, income shares, the debt cycle, on and on. They all point to persistent imbalances in the Chinese economy and mounting risks of a Japanese-like endgame.
Yet the Chinese leadership continues to march on, fixated on a growth model that draws unsustainable support from innovation, new technologies, and other trappings of what they now call “new quality productive forces.” Xi Jinping is the champion of this approach, paying lip service to Chinese consumption but unwilling to take the big steps required of consumer-led rebalancing. He warns , for example, that aggressive social safety net reforms — health care and retirement — will backfire; the excesses of fear-driven precautionary saving might decline and boost discretionary consumer demand, goes the argument, but at the cost of raising the corrosive risks of a western-style welfare state. Egad, who wants that?
Let me try a different angle that proved very accurate in foretelling the Japanese disease. Shown in the chart below are capital-output ratios for Japan and China. When the ratio rises, the economy experiences what economists call “capital deepening” — meaning that it takes ever larger increments of its capital stock to generate a unit of output (GDP). This, of course, is associated with progressively lower returns on the capital stock that presumably would set a self-corrective process in motion that would lead to a reduction of capital-intensive economic growth.

That was not the case for Japan in its first lost decade, when the capital-output ratio (shown in the green line) increased sharply by 24% from 1990 to 2000. As the stock market surged, Corporate Japan became convinced that capital deepening was the recipe for higher returns to shareholders. The bet ignored the bursting of the Japanese equity bubble in the early 1990s. Like all stock market implosions, denial was powerful in the early post-bubble period and investment-led capital deepening continued. For Fumio Hayashi and Edward Prescott, two of the earliest scholars of the Japanese disease, this was a powerful signal of the coming stagnation in the Japanese real economy; with one lost decade eventually turning into three, that forecast was very much on the mark.
By comparison, a more recent strain of Chinese capital deepening is very disturbing. From 2008 to 2023 (last data point available in the Penn World Tables), China’s capital-output ratio soared by 62% — over two and a half times the 24% increase in Japan during the 1990s. Moreover, by the end of this fifteen-year period, the Chinese ratio had basically converged on its Japanese counterpart. Unlike Japan where capital deepening continued in the face of post-bubble carnage in its equity market, China’s capital deepening took place in a more volatile equity market climate — three sharp run-ups in 2014-15, 2019-21, and again in 2024-26. Chinese capital deepening was driven less by the attraction of equity returns and more by the strong guidance of its leader, Xi Jinping, and his steadfast fixation on new quality productive forces.
(As an aside, I would venture the guess that China’s capital deepening has intensified in recent years beyond the period covered by the chart above (which ends in 2023). That’s because the AI-related data center construction frenzy is raising the capital stock at a time when Chinese GDP growth is slipping further, falling recently below its 4.5% to 5% target for 2026.)
There is a great read by Evan Osnos in the August 3 issue of The New Yorker that speaks to China’s glorious technology-led future if it stays its recent course. Entitled “The Future, Made in China,” his latest piece is loaded with anecdotal tales of wonder about China’s robots, “dark” (i.e., completely automated) factories, high-speed EVs, and everything you want to know about AI. Osnos is a wonderful writer in The New Yorker tradition, but I was left wondering if he hasn’t taken some of the CCP’s bait too far — hook, line, and sinker.
The subtext of this article is America’s looming competitive battle with a rising superpower, a topic I have also addressed repeatedly in my own work. Like Osnos, I worry about this a good deal, but less so if China stays its course and more if the US falls into a MAGA sinkhole dominated by underinvestment in basic research and higher education, along with an arrogant disdain for expert advice. In another sense, I have to confess that the Osmos piece has a familiar ring in similar tales we heard about the Japanese techno miracle in the late 1980s — books and articles by Sony founder Akio Morita, Ezra Vogel, and Clyde Prestowitz. It’s not that they under-estimated America — they all missed what was to befall Japan.
Michael Pettis and I are kindred spirits in this debate. We have both focused for years on the imperatives of Chinese rebalancing. Our frameworks are a little different, but our bottom-line conclusions are very much the same. We agree on Japan where the problem was not so much its technological successes but the sustainability of its growth model. We both share the view that the same lesson might be very much applicable to China. My point on capital deepening is offered in that same spirit — the sustainability of the Chinese growth model, which is now showing unmistakable signs of sputtering.
Social Media and the Character of a City
Like most, I have been warned to ignore comments on social media. Understandable in one sense, but at odds with my long-standing desire to participate in the public debate. I post an article, a comment, or a previously published op-ed at least once a week. My goal is...
Tariff Tantrums
This is the 18th piece I have written on tariffs over the past 18 months. Not by coincidence, last week marked the 18-month anniversary of Donald Trump’s second term as president. He can’t help himself in playing the tariff card and, as a duly certified economist,...
Can a Nation Be a Producer Without a Consumer?
How long can it last? That always seems to be the most salient question about China. Decades of unprecedented 10% economic growth. A political system under authoritarian communist control since 1949. Environmental degradation, corruption, and income inequality tearing...
From Hong Kong to Xiānggǎng
Hong Kong deserves great credit for fighting back. In the nearly two and a half years since I expressed the seemingly audacious opinion in the Financial Times that Hong Kong may be over, the city’s supporters have orchestrated a determined campaign to prove me wrong....
The Unbalancing of Chinese Rebalancing
Chinese rebalancing has been an abject failure. Nearly twenty years after former Premier Wen Jiabao bemoaned the unbalanced fate the Chinese economy, the problem has gone from bad to worse. For a growth-dependent Chinese economy, failed consumer-led rebalancing...
The USTR Strikes Again
The Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR) has borrowed a page from the losing trade war of 2018-19. Under orders from the President, it has issued a lengthy Section 301 investigation report that purports to provide a legal rationale for the...
Trump’s Red Line Inflation Problem
Recently, I was critical of Chinese President Xi Jinping for a flaw in his foreign policy stance. I argued that he was guilty of “red line inflation” — framing multiple non-negotiable positions that conflate Chinese determination with the clarity of priority...
China’s Red Line Inflation Problem
Chinese President Xi Jinping sent an unmistakably tough message on Taiwan to US President Donald Trump in their recent summit in Beijing. He warned of the “extremely dangerous” risks of clashes and outright conflict with the United States if this issue is handled...
A Place Holder Summit
US President Donald Trump and the CCP’s General Secretary Xi Jinping went through the motions of summitry this week in Beijing. Notwithstanding superb stagecraft of the Chinese hosts, there were no meaningful deliverables that set the long-troubled Sino-American...
From Russia with Love: The Case for US-China Scientific Collaboration
The United States is at risk of falling behind China in scientific leadership. It hasn't happened yet, but it is a distinct possibility during the next decade. That’s the verdict of the Australian Strategic Policy Institute whose “Critical Technology Tracker” now...
